Friday, 27 October 2017

CONSTITUTIONAL CRISIS



CONSTITUTIONAL CRISIS
I went to the High Court as a party to a land case. I have been going to the court for the past eleven years on this particular case.
 When I got to the main entrance I declared the content of my small bag as part of the court’s security checks.
The items in the bag comprised a power bank, a mi-fi, a camera and a book. Upon seeing my camera one of the security men told me that cameras are not allowed in the courtrooms. I hesitated and drew his attention to the fact that my phone equally has a camera. He said yes he knows and that I am allowed to take my phone but not the camera.
He patiently and courteously explained to me that they are only following instructions.
He then requested that I follow him out of the building for him to show me something. I obliged. When we got to the entrance of the newly constructed state-of-the art court building 
he pointed at a banner with a bold inscription: NO PHOTOGRAPHS.

 The Forty-two Courtroom Complex


Please to those who are LEARNED I think I am faced with a “constitutional crisis” and I need an “interpretation”. Does NO PHOTOGRAPHS mean CAMERAS ARE NOT ALLOWED? What about my phone’s camera?
Remember, the security man is just following a directive.  

Thursday, 19 October 2017

OF ZONGO DEVELOPMENT, THE MINISTRY AND THE FUND




By Abubakar Garba Osuman 
A ZONGO SETTING
The 1992 Constitution allows every elected president of the country to appoint such number of ministers as necessary to help him in the efficient running of the State. In fulfilment of this constitutional requirement, when the President of the Republic, President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo assumed office he appointed 110 persons for various ministerial positions including the ten regions.

This exercise saw the retaining of some ministries, the creation of new ones, and the scraping of others as well as the merging of some into single ministries. 
Those pitching camp with the president did not see anything untoward about the 110 ministries. They consider the President’s action as necessary for the attainment of the New Patriotic Party’s campaign pledges. Thus, to that section of the political divide it was a prudent decision on the part of His Excellency, Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo.   

However, those opposed to the political persuasion of the president cried foul. They claimed that this number of ministers is the most bloated and unprecedented in the history of the country’s democracy.
Civil Society Organisations were not left unperturbed either. They too were drawn into the debate on the number of ministers, relevance or otherwise of certain ministries and how to safeguard the State’s kitty.
While some of them supported the president’s move, some were sceptic whereas certain section of them avoided the controversy and took the middle course.

However, the President, in his inaugural speech has assured Ghanaians that he “shall protect the public purse by insisting on value-for-money in all public transactions. Public service is just that – service and not an avenue for making money.  Money is to be made in the private sector, not the public. Measures will be put in place to ensure this.”
For over a certain period of time after the President’s appointment and Parliament’s vetting and subsequent approval of the ministers the media, most especially radio, was awash with the topic.


Some see a government of 110 ministers as commendable while others are raising the issue of the relevance of some new portfolios. However, the interest of the Zongo dweller in all this is how his or her situation would be improved. This is the pledge made by President Nana Addo.

Since the announcement of the newly created Ministry of Inner City and Zongo Development, in addition to the promise of setting up of a Zongo Development Fund, the average Zongo dweller is enthused and excited.  His predicaments have, at least, attracted the president’s attention.

However, the dust is not settled as the minister is yet to have an office and the personnel and logistics that are necessary for running a ministry. Nevertheless, the Zongo is inundated with discussions on expectations of the interventions of the ministry and the fund to their wellbeing. The Minister has been touring Zongo communities across the country to assess the development needs of Zongo dwellers. Reports indicate that, with the exception of the Greater Accra Region, nine regions have so far had their share of the consultative meetings. 
Interestingly, another twist to the issue is that the “Inner City” is truncated in most of this intercourse making only the Zongo to look like the sole beneficiary of the ministry.

The inhabitants of Zongos are mostly sons and daughters of migrants from the sub-region, notably Nigeria. These migrants served in the Gold Coast Constabulary, Gold Coast Police Force and were also part of the West African Frontier Force during the First and Second World Wars. Some of them served as farm hands in cocoa plantations and labourers in the gold mines and the public sector as well.

It is important to note that before the establishment of the Ministry of Inner City and Zongo Development, the “position” of the Zongo and its “indigenes” in the country’s development is blur and hazy.  Depending from which angle one is battling the issue matters concerning the Zongo attract negligible, sometimes negative, publicity.
However, over a period of time, the Zongo dweller has become politically conscious and therefore wants his/her share of development.  
With coming into being of the ministry, Zongo dwellers would certainly not pretend to be unselfish. They recognize the benefit of the ministry in the development of their cherished “constituency,” the Zongo.  Some refer to it as the 11th Region.

My position on Zongo development, the ministry and fund is that of ambivalence and that I do not see the benefit as entirely tangible.

One of the major benefits, to me, is a clear recognition and admission that there is a “carved” constituency whose constituents ordinarily could not put claim to historical ownership of mass of land as theirs.

For long the people of Zongo descent could not come out boldly to say that Darkuman, Nima, Shukura, Asawasi, Ashaiman, Nyakrom etc. are their home towns just because they do not belong to an ethnic group that is classified as indigenous. Neither of their lingua franca is identified as one of the languages recognised as Ghanaian. In most situations, such as filling forms for passport, national identity card, etc., they churn out inappropriate bio data. They thus feel marginalised.

Some politicians, as a result, shrewdly take advantage of this situation and position themselves and their partisan persuasions as “lovers” and “protectors” of the Zongo dweller. They adopt this ploy by giving it historical and political coloration.

Meanwhile, it is believed that the Ministry of Inner City and Zongo Development would bid farewell to the marginalisation and a fable of deporting people of Zongo origin.

The ancestors of the inhabitants of the Zongo migrated to the Gold Coast more than two centuries before the founding of the country called Ghana. The creation of the ministry has hence further thrown the relevance of the Zongo into a sharp relief.  

Conversely, as a nationalist, I perceive the creation of the new ministry as superfluous. It is only a shrewd way of dissipating and misdirecting scarce national resources. The memories of how abysmal the Savannah Accelerated Development Authority (SADA) performed still linger in our minds.

A well-intended intervention to bridge the development deficit between the North and the South was brought down crumbling to its knees by sons and daughters of those expected to benefit from such lofty and noble project. Therefore, when the president introduced the minister, Abubakar Saddique Boniface, as the darling boy of the Zongo I become edgy.

I visualize how former president John Dramani Mahama tried to repackage and rebrand SADA but to no avail. SADA’s image, like a perishable commodity, had already gone sour and it was one minute too late to salvage.

Would it be then out of place to say that the intended purpose for which the ministry is created could well be tackled by some existing institutions? The Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development, which is seen as the epitome of decentralisation, comprises the Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies (MMDAs).

The main function of these assemblies is to bring governance, vis-à-vis development, to the people. The Ministry of Local Government has part of its mission statement as follows: The Ministry exists to ensure good governance and balanced development of Metropolitan, Municipal and District assemblies.

The Zongo, ostensibly, is not one area situated within a specific geographical location but dispersed within the assemblies. And to enhance the socio-economic as well as the human development of these localities, the central government must adequately strengthen the assemblies.
  
The Zongo Development Fund could, for that matter, be channelled through the assemblies for the specific development of the Zongos under an Affirmative Action with a legislative backing. This approach, to me, would go a long way to “protect the public purse by insisting on value-for-money in all public transactions”.



Friday, 16 May 2014

The Salaga Slave Market

Historical fact, regardless of efforts to sweep it under the carpet cannot be possible. No one can alter the course history took. Some have tried, though with futility, to rewrite history when such historical phenomenon has left indelible blot on the conscience of the perpetrators by leaving in its wake disastrous effects on its victims and humanity.
One of such unfortunate instances in the history of humanity is the slave trade. Trade in human as merchandise as well as perpetrators of this obnoxious act of atrocity by man against man should attract the condemnation of human rights activists and any person of scruples.
The West, by all measure, was the beneficiary of the slave trade. However, one cannot deny the fact that they had indigenous Africans as collaborators.

Centres designated for buying and selling of human being to be transported across the Atlantic to work on plantations in the New World (America) and the West Indies are some of the landmarks that show the roles played by the locals. They facilitated the capture of their kind for sale at these centres.  
One such centre in the East Gonja District in the Northern Region of Ghana is the Salaga Slave Market. Salaga served as a key market town mainly for the busy regional slave trade in the 18th and 19th centuries. Whosoever controls Salaga therefore meant having an upper hand in slave trade to the North and South of the Gold Coast. The chiefs who were controlling the township for that matter became the main sources of supply of slaves to buyers.


Unlike the fortes and castles which have dungeons for keeping slaves, due to the lack of storage facilities to keep the slaves in Salaga, they were taken upon arrival to the market square where they were shackled and displayed as merchandise waiting to be sold and transported across the Atlantic. 

Amazingly, the trade in slaves was not done with physical cash as money was then not in circulation in that part of the world. It was a pure barter trade where humans were exchanged with other commodities such as gunpowder and guns. Ludicrously, there was a chief who gave out a sizable number of slaves for a dressing mirror in return.
One unique feature of the Salaga slave market is the baobab tree in the middle of the market where the slave masters dumped dead slaves. In effect, the baobab tree served as a cemetery for the unfortunate slaves who kicked the bucket whilst on transit.
an artistic portrait of the original Salaga slave market

Salaga Slave Market is now a tourist attraction centre. Unfortunately, some of the relics and artefacts are in the possession of individual members of the community.

References
Ghana Tourist Authority


Saturday, 3 May 2014

Local Market with International Content – the Story of “Kasoa Mamudu” of Nima

assorted cereals on display
People have been engaged in barter trade and the never-ending convergence of peoples globally to trade in goods and services to better their situation through the satisfaction of their diverse needs.

The exploits of Mamudu was therefore not an exception. In the early 1950s, Alhaji Mamudu, a Togolese national, was engaged in the trade of food items which he brought from Togo. Unknown to him, the centre of his activities, the Kasoa Mamudu (Mamudu’s market), was to take a centre-stage in the food distribution chain in Ghana and beyond. 

food items and spices 
The market is situated in Nima a suburb of Accra and the day for brisk business is Wednesday. The market host diverse economic activities that include but not limited to financial, transportation and porter services.
a typical market day with heavy human and vehicular traffic

Traders, mostly women, bring food items from all parts of the country and as far as Burkina Faso, Mali, Togo Niger, Benin, Nigeria and Ivory Coast. In serving their customers, this venture has been a great source of livelihood to the traders. The customer base of the traders transcends households to wholesalers, resellers, retailers, food vendors and institutions of State such as the security services and the school feeding programme under the Ministry of Education. Also, citizens from the sub-region come to the market to buy and sell wares. This local marketplace could be qualified for a microcosm of ECOWAS trade centre and a melting pot of nationals of the sub region.  
a trader vigilant over her goods
The success story of Mamudu’s Market, according to the Vice Chairman of the market, Maman Richard, would not be complete without highlighting some inherent challenges confronting traders. The pleas by the traders to the local authorities to improve the facility were unheeded despite the fact that the market has been a source of revenue for government through taxation.
In the face of the phenomenon of market fires in the country and other catastrophes, as well as harassments of traders by supposed landowners, the traders are thus appealing to the authorities to help forestall potential dangers to human lives and properties by reconstructing the market into modern facility. High tariff by the Custom Service is also a disincentive in addition to hindrance to the ECOWAS Protocol on free movement of goods and peoples of member countries.
Trucks arrived with wares waiting to be offloaded
The market serves institutions such as the security services, the school feeding programme, wholesalers and resellers. It is also source of livelihood for uncountable households scattered through the length and breadth of the country.